Social Class and Inequality Free Essays

string(217) " French the distinction of being a charter group that entitled them to a power, prestige \(and of course wealth\) that other groups were automatically denied unless they displayed a similar pedigree Driedger, 2001\)\." Social Class and Inequality Social inequality has been defined as a conflicting status within a society with regards to the individual, property rights, and access to education, medical care, and welfare programs. Much of society’s inequality can be attributed to the class status of a particular group, which has usually been largely determined by the group’s ethnicity or race (Macionis Gerber, 2006). The conflict perspective is an attempt to understand the group conflict that occurs by the protection of one’s status at the expense of the other. We will write a custom essay sample on Social Class and Inequality or any similar topic only for you Order Now One group will resort to various means to preserve a ideal social status through socioeconomic prestige, consolidation of power (political and financial), and control of resources. In Canada, even though its impact is frequently minimized, social inequality exists, but because the majority of citizens associate exclusively with members of their own class, they are often unaware of the significant role social inequality continues to play (Macionis Gerber, 2006). An inadequate distribution of wealth remains â€Å"an important component† of Canada’s social inequities (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Wealth can be defined as the amount of money or material items that an individual, family, or group controls and ultimately determines the status of a particular class (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Canada’s social classes can be divided into four, and the wealth is not distributed equally between them. First, there is the predominantly Anglo upper class, in which most of the wealth has been inherited; and they comprise of approximately 3-to-5 percent of the Canadian population (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Next, there is the middle class, which is made up of the greatest number of Canadians, nearly 50 percent with ‘upper-middle’ class subdivisions generating white-collar incomes of between $50,000 and $100,000 while the rest are earning reasonable livings in less prestigious white- collar jobs or as skilled blue-collar laborers (Macionis Gerber, 2006). The working class represents about 33 percent of the Canadian population, and their lower incomes leave little in the way of savings (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Finally, there is the lower class, which is represented by about 20 percent of the population (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Among these are the so-called working poor whose incomes alone are not sufficient enough for adequate food or shelter (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Their living conditions are often separated from the mainstream society in concentrated ethnic or racial communities (Macionis Gerber, 2006). The most impoverished members of this class are unable to generate any income and are completely reliant upon government welfare programs. One of the primary deciding factors as to what determines wealth, power, and social status is occupational prestige (Macionis Gerber, 2006). For example, in Canada, physicians and lawyers continue to reside at the top of the social ladder while newspaper delivery persons or hospitality staff rank at the bottom (Macionis Gerber, 2006). The growing disparity in income is beginning to resemble that of the United States with approximately 43. percent of the Canadian income being concentrated within the top 20 percent of social spectrum while those in the bottom 20 percent are receiving a mere 5. 2 percent of that income (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Nearly 16 percent of Canadians were categorized as being â€Å"below the poverty line† in the mid-1990s, and every month, close to a million people rely upon food banks to feed their families (Macionis Gerber, 2006). The income a particular class earns is determined in large part to the amount of education received, and yet in order to receive a higher education money is required. There is also a strong correlation between income and healthcare. The higher the income, the greater the number of quality medical services there are available (Macionis Gerber, 2006). The wealthy or upper middle classes can afford specialized care that isn’t typically covered by a provinces general health care plan, thus widening the gap of equality between the social classes. Within the boundary of the Canadian border we can see the separation between ethnicity, and wealth which determines class. Studies show that predominately the British and French Canadians earn the highest levels of income whereas the Africans, certain Asian groups, Latin Americans, and Aboriginals consistently rank near the bottom (Macionis Gerber, 2006). In recent years, there has been an increase in income inequality with the 14 percent of impoverished Canadians in the lower social classes of families headed by single mothers, female senior citizens, indigenous peoples, and the recent influx of immigrants (Reutter, Veenstra, Stewart, Raphael, Love, Makwarimba, and McMurray, 2006). Because of social exclusion, poverty is perpetuated with certain groups consistently shut out of the opportunities that might better equalize the social scales (Reutter et al, 2006). Canadian sociologist John Porter’s focused nearly entirely on power and class, his breakthrough research was published as The Vertical Mosaic: An Analysis of Social Class and Power in Canada in 1965 (Driedger, 2001). Porter explored the impact of race and ethnicity upon social mobility and noted that Canadian social history has been determined by ‘charter groups,’ mainly the English and the French situated in Ontario and Quebec, while the English were widely dispersed in both rural and urban locales, becoming increasingly urbanized as a result of industrialization and the fortunes being made, the Quebecois group was nearly exclusively rural in geography and philosophy (Driedger, 2001). Power examined how power relationships developed along social class lines and how the conflict among these charter groups influenced differences in social classes (Driedger, 2001). According to Hier Walby (2006), Porter presented the argument that â€Å"an ‘entrance status’ is assigned to less preferred immigrant groups (particularly southern and eastern Europeans†¦ that restricts collective gains in education, income, and membership among Canada’s elite† (p. 83). This entrance status was, in Porter’s view, strong enough to create a social barrier not unlike India’s caste system (Hier ; Walby, 2006). A decade later, Porter drew similar conclusions when he noted that his Canadian census job stratification study revealed, â€Å"Ethnicity serves as a deterrent to social mobility† (as cited in Driedger, 2001, p. 421). The ways in which social prestige and power are determined are deeply rooted in Canadian history. For instance, 1867’s British North America Act gave the British and the French the distinction of being a charter group that entitled them to a power, prestige (and of course wealth) that other groups were automatically denied unless they displayed a similar pedigree Driedger, 2001). You read "Social Class and Inequality" in category "Essay examples" The charter languages and cultures, though separate, would afford these members with exclusive privileges (Driedger, 2001). They would have automatic access to society, while other groups would have to battle for entrance and to secure status. Therefore, while a few managed to break through, most ethnic groups wer e consistently refused entrance. For this reason, they were forced to take jobs of low class status and their degree of assimilation into Canadian society would be determined by the charter members (Driedger, 2001). There is a sharp distinction between industry and finance in terms of ownership of financial resources. The bankers exert the most social control, and because they have been historically more interested in protecting their own interests, the indigenous industrialized groups have been discouraged (Panitch, 1985). Southern Ontario remains the wealthy hub of the Canada’s industrial sector, while the indigenous groups and other lower classes remain both regionally and socially isolated (Panitch, 1985). Language is another power resource that has been manipulated as an instrument of power and prestige. While the French have long been a charter of Canadian society, as in the United States, being culturally separate has not meant equality in terms of class status. In the years following World War II, the French Canadians of Quebec have sought greater independence (Driedger, 2001). Their discontent resulted in the establishment of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism in 1963, which emphasized the notion of an â€Å"equal partnership† (Driedger, 2001, p. 21). Even though charter dualism is not articulated in the Canadian constitution, the Quebec provincials believed that their one-third French-speaking status along with the growing number of languages spoken by non-charter members warranted a reclassification to at the very least bilingualism and at the most, an acknowledgement of multiculturalism that would remove existing cultural barriers and provide greater social access. These efforts have thus fall fallen short, and therefore Quebec annexation may one day become a reality. Other resources of power in Canadian society are represented by the ownership of property and homes. In Canada as in most parts of North America, homes represent wealth because of the â€Å"forced savings, investment appreciation, and protection against inflation† it represents (Gyimah, Walters, ; Phythian, 2005, p. 338). Owning a home offers â€Å"a sense of belonging† or inclusion for immigrant classes that is unlike anything else (Gyimah, Walters, ; Phythian, 2005, p. 338). But not surprisingly, Gyimah et al (2005) have discovered, â€Å"Rates of ownership have been found to vary considerably by ethnicity and immigration status† (p. 338). There is, interestingly, a structure among immigrant classes that impacts on the access to these resources with the immigrants who settled in Canada earlier enjoying much higher rates of home ownership than new immigrant arrivals (Gyimah et al, 2005). The lone exception is the Hong Kong business entrepreneurs that relocated to Canada when the Chinese regained control of the area (Gyimah et al, 2005). They had accumulated enough wealth in Hong Kong to bypass traditional barriers and secure housing usually reserved for charter members. On the opposite end of the spectrum, home ownership rates are lowest among the Blacks and Aboriginal classes (Gyimah et al, 2005). According to a study Henry, Tator, Mattis, and Rees conducted in 2002, â€Å"In spite of the historical and contemporary evidence of racism as a pervasive and intractable reality in Canada †¦ itizens and institutions function in a state of collective denial† (as cited in Hier ; Walby, 2006, p. 83). Throughout the history of Canada, â€Å"institutionalized racism† has been a part of the cultural landscape dating back to the indentured servants and slave labor of the African and Caribbean peoples that first arrived in the seventeenth century, and continued to be oppressed for the next 200 years in the Ontario, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Quebec provinces (Hier ; Walby, 2006). The fur trade justified this enslavement and the Federal Indian Act revisions of the mid-twentieth century continued to treat certain races in a subordinate manner (Hier ; Walby, 2006). Those deemed more primitive were oppressed because of social perceptions of their â€Å"savagery, inferiority, and cultural weakness† (Hier ; Walby, 2006, p. 83). Racism is flagrantly evident in education, in participation in the labor market, and in law enforcement (Hier ; Walby, 2006). When Ruck and Wortley studied the perceptions of high school students regarding school discipline through a questionnaire issued to nearly 2,000 Toronto students in grades 10 through 12, the ethnic groupings of Black/African, Asian/South Asian, White European, and Other revealed that their perceptions of discipline discrimination were significantly higher than those students of White European backgrounds (Hier ; Walby, 2006). Therefore, not surprisingly, these students were more likely to drop out of school and be denied any hope of receiving a well-paying job. Lower social classes were also relegated to low-paying jobs because of purportedly lacking â€Å"‘Canadian’ work experience† and a lack of English language comprehension (Hier ; Walby, 2006, p. 83). In a 2001 study by Austin and Este, the immigrant males they interviewed reported that because the power and resources are so tightly controlled by the White Canadian majority, their foreign employment experiences were minimized and they were blocked from taking the training programs that would have improved their language proficiency (Hier ; Walby, 2006). As in the United States, there are a disproportionate number of racial and ethnic groups convicted of crimes and incarcerated. This is believed to be due to racial profiling in law enforcement that tips the scales of justice away from people of color. According to a Royal Commission survey, the majority of respondents believe police are prejudiced against Black Canadians (Hier ; Walby, 2006). Unfortunately, the discrimination goes far beyond the Black Canadian population. The Aboriginal population provides a contemporary case study that reflects the impact of racism upon social inequality of Canada. The 2001 Canadian census lists a total of 976,310 Aboriginal peoples throughout the territories and provinces (Adelson, 2005). Of those, more than 600,000 are Native Americans – referred to as First Nations – and live mostly in the provinces of Ontario, British Columbia, Alberta, Manitoba, and Saskatchewan (Adelson, 2005). The Metis group live in the western sections of these provinces and total around 292,000 (Adelson, 2005). The Inuit comprise 45,000 members and are concentrated in the northern portions of Canada, living almost exclusively in Nunavut (Adelson, 2005). These peoples have been the victims of racist social attitudes dating back to 1876’s Indian Act, in which colonization was officially determined through First Nations recognition status (Adelson, 2005). This affects the Native Americans and the Inuit (as a result of a 1939 amendment to the Act), but the Metis are not forced to register to achieve a â€Å"recognition of status† (Adelson, 2005, p . 45). What this means is that those Aboriginal groups that live on government controlled reserves continue to receive government services while those who decide to venture off of these reserves do not (Adelson, 2005). Those groups are deprived of the education and basic skills that would enable them to improve their status. In comparison to non-Aborigines, the Aboriginal groups often fail to complete their education at every level, which further reduces their opportunities (Adelson, 2005). In a 2002 study of off-reserve Aboriginals, less than half percent of these children complete the twelfth grade (Adelson, 2005). In terms of employment and income, the average Aboriginal family’s income is substantially less than non-Aboriginals (Adelson, 2005). In 1991, the average Aboriginal income was $12,800, which was about half of the income of Canada’s non-Aboriginals (Adelson, 2005). Sociologists attribute the disparities in employment and income due to ethnic discrimination in the workplace, the lack of education accorded indigenous groups, the loss of property, and the â€Å"cultural genocide† they are forced to commit if they wish to assimilate (Adelson, 2005, p. 45). This â€Å"circle of disadvantage† results in the Aboriginals being mired in poverty and forced to take low- paying migrant jobs that are often seasonal and provide nothing in the way of employment security (Adelson, 2005, p. 5). Solely on the basis of their ethnicity, these peoples are relegated to the social periphery and are deprived of anything remotely resembling power, prestige, or wealth. In terms of their living conditions, many of the Aboriginal peoples are overcrowded, with 53 percent of the Inuit peoples and 17 percent of the Aborigina ls living off-reserve living more than one person per room (Adelson, 2005). This is in comparison to 7 percent of white Canadians of European origin (Adelson, 2005). In addition, Aboriginal homes are; twice as likely to be sorely in need of major repairs; about 90 times more likely to have no access to safe water supplied by pipes; five times more likely to have no type of bathroom facilities; and ten times more likely to have a toilet that does not flush (Adelson, 2005, p. 45). The Aborigines that do not live in government housing are exposed to appalling threats to their health and hygiene resulting from inferior housing, which has adversely affected their life expectancies (Adelson, 2005). Despite their high adult mortality, the aboriginal population also has a high birth rate (Adelson, 2005). However, this also means their infant mortality rate is also higher than the national average. According to 1999 statistics, infant mortality rates were 8 out of 100 among First Nations’ peoples, which is 1. 5 times higher than the overall Canadian rate of infant mortality (Adelson, 2005). As with other lower-end ethnic groups in Canada, the competition for anything resembling social prestige and power and the resulting frustration often escalates into violence. Within the Aboriginal groups, substance abuse, physical and sexual violence, and suicides are all too Common place (Adelson, 2005). Domestic violence statistics are high, with 39 percent of this population reporting such instances (Adelson, 2005). According to the 1999 published statistics 38 percent of reported deaths between young people ages 10 to 19 are due to suicide caused by the hopelessness of poverty and lack of social power (Adelson, 2005). Although the Aboriginal groups that still live on-reserve are receiving government healthcare services, these services are not necessarily of the quality the rest of the population is getting due to the government’s inability to control First Nation treaty resources and the seemingly endless â€Å"bureaucratic maze† regarding Aboriginal healthcare policy and insufficient funding (Adelson, 2005, p. 45). Within the past three decades, there has been a notable shift in the Canadian population. While the charter groups still comprised about 50 percent of the population, numerous other non-charter groups were rapidly combining to represent about one-third of the overall population (Driedger, 2001). Immigration pattern changes that began following the Second World War are largely responsible for a greater number of Southeast Asians and Latin Americans to relocate to Canada (Driedger, 2001). By the 1980s, the number of British Canadians began to rapidly slip and by 2001, while the British ranked ninth in population, 73 percent of immigrant settlers were either Asian, Latin American, or African (Gyimah et al, 2005). Meanwhile, despite Canadian policymakers’ best intentions, social inequality persists because many of these immigrant classes are being denied their rightful participation in society. Although the French charter remains strong albeit geographically and culturally segregated and the British majority is floundering, the class determinants of charter membership and its perks that enable social inequality to continue are still in place. The British population decrease has in no way adversely impacted their prestigious position or political influence. English is still the dominant language and European ancestry determines esteemed class status. Unfortunately, as long as access to prestige, power, and wealth remain limited to the charter few at the expense of the multicultural many, Canada’s social classes will sadly remain unequal. References Adelson, N. (2005). The embodiment of inequity: Health disparities in Aboriginal Canada. Canadian Journal of Public Health, 96(2), 45-61. Driedger, L. (2001). Changing visions in ethnic relations. Canadian Journal of Sociology, 26(3), 421-451. Gyimah, S. O. , Walters, D. , ; Phythian, K. L. (2005). Ethnicity, immigration and housing wealth in Toronto. Canadian Journal of Urban Research, 14(2), 338-363. Hier, S. P. , ; Walby, K. (2006). Competing analytical paradigms in the sociological study of racism in Canada. Canadian Ethnic Studies Journal, 26(1), 83-104. Macionis, J. J. , ; Gerber, L. M. (2006). Sociology (6th Canadian Ed. ). Retrieved May 21, 2008, from http://wps. pearsoned. ca/ca_ph_macionis_sociology_6/73/18923/4844438. cw/index. html. Panitch, L. (1985, April). Class and power in Canada. Monthly Review, 36(11), 1-13. Reutter, L. I. , Veenstra, G. , Stewart, M. J. , Raphael, D. , Love, R. , Makwarimba, E. , ; McMurray, S. (2006). Attributions for poverty in Canada. The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 43(1), 1-22. How to cite Social Class and Inequality, Essay examples

Social Class and Inequality Free Essays

string(217) " French the distinction of being a charter group that entitled them to a power, prestige \(and of course wealth\) that other groups were automatically denied unless they displayed a similar pedigree Driedger, 2001\)\." Social Class and Inequality Social inequality has been defined as a conflicting status within a society with regards to the individual, property rights, and access to education, medical care, and welfare programs. Much of society’s inequality can be attributed to the class status of a particular group, which has usually been largely determined by the group’s ethnicity or race (Macionis Gerber, 2006). The conflict perspective is an attempt to understand the group conflict that occurs by the protection of one’s status at the expense of the other. We will write a custom essay sample on Social Class and Inequality or any similar topic only for you Order Now One group will resort to various means to preserve a ideal social status through socioeconomic prestige, consolidation of power (political and financial), and control of resources. In Canada, even though its impact is frequently minimized, social inequality exists, but because the majority of citizens associate exclusively with members of their own class, they are often unaware of the significant role social inequality continues to play (Macionis Gerber, 2006). An inadequate distribution of wealth remains â€Å"an important component† of Canada’s social inequities (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Wealth can be defined as the amount of money or material items that an individual, family, or group controls and ultimately determines the status of a particular class (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Canada’s social classes can be divided into four, and the wealth is not distributed equally between them. First, there is the predominantly Anglo upper class, in which most of the wealth has been inherited; and they comprise of approximately 3-to-5 percent of the Canadian population (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Next, there is the middle class, which is made up of the greatest number of Canadians, nearly 50 percent with ‘upper-middle’ class subdivisions generating white-collar incomes of between $50,000 and $100,000 while the rest are earning reasonable livings in less prestigious white- collar jobs or as skilled blue-collar laborers (Macionis Gerber, 2006). The working class represents about 33 percent of the Canadian population, and their lower incomes leave little in the way of savings (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Finally, there is the lower class, which is represented by about 20 percent of the population (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Among these are the so-called working poor whose incomes alone are not sufficient enough for adequate food or shelter (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Their living conditions are often separated from the mainstream society in concentrated ethnic or racial communities (Macionis Gerber, 2006). The most impoverished members of this class are unable to generate any income and are completely reliant upon government welfare programs. One of the primary deciding factors as to what determines wealth, power, and social status is occupational prestige (Macionis Gerber, 2006). For example, in Canada, physicians and lawyers continue to reside at the top of the social ladder while newspaper delivery persons or hospitality staff rank at the bottom (Macionis Gerber, 2006). The growing disparity in income is beginning to resemble that of the United States with approximately 43. percent of the Canadian income being concentrated within the top 20 percent of social spectrum while those in the bottom 20 percent are receiving a mere 5. 2 percent of that income (Macionis Gerber, 2006). Nearly 16 percent of Canadians were categorized as being â€Å"below the poverty line† in the mid-1990s, and every month, close to a million people rely upon food banks to feed their families (Macionis Gerber, 2006). The income a particular class earns is determined in large part to the amount of education received, and yet in order to receive a higher education money is required. There is also a strong correlation between income and healthcare. The higher the income, the greater the number of quality medical services there are available (Macionis Gerber, 2006). The wealthy or upper middle classes can afford specialized care that isn’t typically covered by a provinces general health care plan, thus widening the gap of equality between the social classes. Within the boundary of the Canadian border we can see the separation between ethnicity, and wealth which determines class. Studies show that predominately the British and French Canadians earn the highest levels of income whereas the Africans, certain Asian groups, Latin Americans, and Aboriginals consistently rank near the bottom (Macionis Gerber, 2006). In recent years, there has been an increase in income inequality with the 14 percent of impoverished Canadians in the lower social classes of families headed by single mothers, female senior citizens, indigenous peoples, and the recent influx of immigrants (Reutter, Veenstra, Stewart, Raphael, Love, Makwarimba, and McMurray, 2006). Because of social exclusion, poverty is perpetuated with certain groups consistently shut out of the opportunities that might better equalize the social scales (Reutter et al, 2006). Canadian sociologist John Porter’s focused nearly entirely on power and class, his breakthrough research was published as The Vertical Mosaic: An Analysis of Social Class and Power in Canada in 1965 (Driedger, 2001). Porter explored the impact of race and ethnicity upon social mobility and noted that Canadian social history has been determined by ‘charter groups,’ mainly the English and the French situated in Ontario and Quebec, while the English were widely dispersed in both rural and urban locales, becoming increasingly urbanized as a result of industrialization and the fortunes being made, the Quebecois group was nearly exclusively rural in geography and philosophy (Driedger, 2001). Power examined how power relationships developed along social class lines and how the conflict among these charter groups influenced differences in social classes (Driedger, 2001). According to Hier Walby (2006), Porter presented the argument that â€Å"an ‘entrance status’ is assigned to less preferred immigrant groups (particularly southern and eastern Europeans†¦ that restricts collective gains in education, income, and membership among Canada’s elite† (p. 83). This entrance status was, in Porter’s view, strong enough to create a social barrier not unlike India’s caste system (Hier ; Walby, 2006). A decade later, Porter drew similar conclusions when he noted that his Canadian census job stratification study revealed, â€Å"Ethnicity serves as a deterrent to social mobility† (as cited in Driedger, 2001, p. 421). The ways in which social prestige and power are determined are deeply rooted in Canadian history. For instance, 1867’s British North America Act gave the British and the French the distinction of being a charter group that entitled them to a power, prestige (and of course wealth) that other groups were automatically denied unless they displayed a similar pedigree Driedger, 2001). You read "Social Class and Inequality" in category "Essay examples" The charter languages and cultures, though separate, would afford these members with exclusive privileges (Driedger, 2001). They would have automatic access to society, while other groups would have to battle for entrance and to secure status. Therefore, while a few managed to break through, most ethnic groups wer e consistently refused entrance. For this reason, they were forced to take jobs of low class status and their degree of assimilation into Canadian society would be determined by the charter members (Driedger, 2001). There is a sharp distinction between industry and finance in terms of ownership of financial resources. The bankers exert the most social control, and because they have been historically more interested in protecting their own interests, the indigenous industrialized groups have been discouraged (Panitch, 1985). Southern Ontario remains the wealthy hub of the Canada’s industrial sector, while the indigenous groups and other lower classes remain both regionally and socially isolated (Panitch, 1985). Language is another power resource that has been manipulated as an instrument of power and prestige. While the French have long been a charter of Canadian society, as in the United States, being culturally separate has not meant equality in terms of class status. In the years following World War II, the French Canadians of Quebec have sought greater independence (Driedger, 2001). Their discontent resulted in the establishment of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism in 1963, which emphasized the notion of an â€Å"equal partnership† (Driedger, 2001, p. 21). Even though charter dualism is not articulated in the Canadian constitution, the Quebec provincials believed that their one-third French-speaking status along with the growing number of languages spoken by non-charter members warranted a reclassification to at the very least bilingualism and at the most, an acknowledgement of multiculturalism that would remove existing cultural barriers and provide greater social access. These efforts have thus fall fallen short, and therefore Quebec annexation may one day become a reality. Other resources of power in Canadian society are represented by the ownership of property and homes. In Canada as in most parts of North America, homes represent wealth because of the â€Å"forced savings, investment appreciation, and protection against inflation† it represents (Gyimah, Walters, ; Phythian, 2005, p. 338). Owning a home offers â€Å"a sense of belonging† or inclusion for immigrant classes that is unlike anything else (Gyimah, Walters, ; Phythian, 2005, p. 338). But not surprisingly, Gyimah et al (2005) have discovered, â€Å"Rates of ownership have been found to vary considerably by ethnicity and immigration status† (p. 338). There is, interestingly, a structure among immigrant classes that impacts on the access to these resources with the immigrants who settled in Canada earlier enjoying much higher rates of home ownership than new immigrant arrivals (Gyimah et al, 2005). The lone exception is the Hong Kong business entrepreneurs that relocated to Canada when the Chinese regained control of the area (Gyimah et al, 2005). They had accumulated enough wealth in Hong Kong to bypass traditional barriers and secure housing usually reserved for charter members. On the opposite end of the spectrum, home ownership rates are lowest among the Blacks and Aboriginal classes (Gyimah et al, 2005). According to a study Henry, Tator, Mattis, and Rees conducted in 2002, â€Å"In spite of the historical and contemporary evidence of racism as a pervasive and intractable reality in Canada †¦ itizens and institutions function in a state of collective denial† (as cited in Hier ; Walby, 2006, p. 83). Throughout the history of Canada, â€Å"institutionalized racism† has been a part of the cultural landscape dating back to the indentured servants and slave labor of the African and Caribbean peoples that first arrived in the seventeenth century, and continued to be oppressed for the next 200 years in the Ontario, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Quebec provinces (Hier ; Walby, 2006). The fur trade justified this enslavement and the Federal Indian Act revisions of the mid-twentieth century continued to treat certain races in a subordinate manner (Hier ; Walby, 2006). Those deemed more primitive were oppressed because of social perceptions of their â€Å"savagery, inferiority, and cultural weakness† (Hier ; Walby, 2006, p. 83). Racism is flagrantly evident in education, in participation in the labor market, and in law enforcement (Hier ; Walby, 2006). When Ruck and Wortley studied the perceptions of high school students regarding school discipline through a questionnaire issued to nearly 2,000 Toronto students in grades 10 through 12, the ethnic groupings of Black/African, Asian/South Asian, White European, and Other revealed that their perceptions of discipline discrimination were significantly higher than those students of White European backgrounds (Hier ; Walby, 2006). Therefore, not surprisingly, these students were more likely to drop out of school and be denied any hope of receiving a well-paying job. Lower social classes were also relegated to low-paying jobs because of purportedly lacking â€Å"‘Canadian’ work experience† and a lack of English language comprehension (Hier ; Walby, 2006, p. 83). In a 2001 study by Austin and Este, the immigrant males they interviewed reported that because the power and resources are so tightly controlled by the White Canadian majority, their foreign employment experiences were minimized and they were blocked from taking the training programs that would have improved their language proficiency (Hier ; Walby, 2006). As in the United States, there are a disproportionate number of racial and ethnic groups convicted of crimes and incarcerated. This is believed to be due to racial profiling in law enforcement that tips the scales of justice away from people of color. According to a Royal Commission survey, the majority of respondents believe police are prejudiced against Black Canadians (Hier ; Walby, 2006). Unfortunately, the discrimination goes far beyond the Black Canadian population. The Aboriginal population provides a contemporary case study that reflects the impact of racism upon social inequality of Canada. The 2001 Canadian census lists a total of 976,310 Aboriginal peoples throughout the territories and provinces (Adelson, 2005). Of those, more than 600,000 are Native Americans – referred to as First Nations – and live mostly in the provinces of Ontario, British Columbia, Alberta, Manitoba, and Saskatchewan (Adelson, 2005). The Metis group live in the western sections of these provinces and total around 292,000 (Adelson, 2005). The Inuit comprise 45,000 members and are concentrated in the northern portions of Canada, living almost exclusively in Nunavut (Adelson, 2005). These peoples have been the victims of racist social attitudes dating back to 1876’s Indian Act, in which colonization was officially determined through First Nations recognition status (Adelson, 2005). This affects the Native Americans and the Inuit (as a result of a 1939 amendment to the Act), but the Metis are not forced to register to achieve a â€Å"recognition of status† (Adelson, 2005, p . 45). What this means is that those Aboriginal groups that live on government controlled reserves continue to receive government services while those who decide to venture off of these reserves do not (Adelson, 2005). Those groups are deprived of the education and basic skills that would enable them to improve their status. In comparison to non-Aborigines, the Aboriginal groups often fail to complete their education at every level, which further reduces their opportunities (Adelson, 2005). In a 2002 study of off-reserve Aboriginals, less than half percent of these children complete the twelfth grade (Adelson, 2005). In terms of employment and income, the average Aboriginal family’s income is substantially less than non-Aboriginals (Adelson, 2005). In 1991, the average Aboriginal income was $12,800, which was about half of the income of Canada’s non-Aboriginals (Adelson, 2005). Sociologists attribute the disparities in employment and income due to ethnic discrimination in the workplace, the lack of education accorded indigenous groups, the loss of property, and the â€Å"cultural genocide† they are forced to commit if they wish to assimilate (Adelson, 2005, p. 45). This â€Å"circle of disadvantage† results in the Aboriginals being mired in poverty and forced to take low- paying migrant jobs that are often seasonal and provide nothing in the way of employment security (Adelson, 2005, p. 5). Solely on the basis of their ethnicity, these peoples are relegated to the social periphery and are deprived of anything remotely resembling power, prestige, or wealth. In terms of their living conditions, many of the Aboriginal peoples are overcrowded, with 53 percent of the Inuit peoples and 17 percent of the Aborigina ls living off-reserve living more than one person per room (Adelson, 2005). This is in comparison to 7 percent of white Canadians of European origin (Adelson, 2005). In addition, Aboriginal homes are; twice as likely to be sorely in need of major repairs; about 90 times more likely to have no access to safe water supplied by pipes; five times more likely to have no type of bathroom facilities; and ten times more likely to have a toilet that does not flush (Adelson, 2005, p. 45). The Aborigines that do not live in government housing are exposed to appalling threats to their health and hygiene resulting from inferior housing, which has adversely affected their life expectancies (Adelson, 2005). Despite their high adult mortality, the aboriginal population also has a high birth rate (Adelson, 2005). However, this also means their infant mortality rate is also higher than the national average. According to 1999 statistics, infant mortality rates were 8 out of 100 among First Nations’ peoples, which is 1. 5 times higher than the overall Canadian rate of infant mortality (Adelson, 2005). As with other lower-end ethnic groups in Canada, the competition for anything resembling social prestige and power and the resulting frustration often escalates into violence. Within the Aboriginal groups, substance abuse, physical and sexual violence, and suicides are all too Common place (Adelson, 2005). Domestic violence statistics are high, with 39 percent of this population reporting such instances (Adelson, 2005). According to the 1999 published statistics 38 percent of reported deaths between young people ages 10 to 19 are due to suicide caused by the hopelessness of poverty and lack of social power (Adelson, 2005). Although the Aboriginal groups that still live on-reserve are receiving government healthcare services, these services are not necessarily of the quality the rest of the population is getting due to the government’s inability to control First Nation treaty resources and the seemingly endless â€Å"bureaucratic maze† regarding Aboriginal healthcare policy and insufficient funding (Adelson, 2005, p. 45). Within the past three decades, there has been a notable shift in the Canadian population. While the charter groups still comprised about 50 percent of the population, numerous other non-charter groups were rapidly combining to represent about one-third of the overall population (Driedger, 2001). Immigration pattern changes that began following the Second World War are largely responsible for a greater number of Southeast Asians and Latin Americans to relocate to Canada (Driedger, 2001). By the 1980s, the number of British Canadians began to rapidly slip and by 2001, while the British ranked ninth in population, 73 percent of immigrant settlers were either Asian, Latin American, or African (Gyimah et al, 2005). Meanwhile, despite Canadian policymakers’ best intentions, social inequality persists because many of these immigrant classes are being denied their rightful participation in society. Although the French charter remains strong albeit geographically and culturally segregated and the British majority is floundering, the class determinants of charter membership and its perks that enable social inequality to continue are still in place. The British population decrease has in no way adversely impacted their prestigious position or political influence. English is still the dominant language and European ancestry determines esteemed class status. Unfortunately, as long as access to prestige, power, and wealth remain limited to the charter few at the expense of the multicultural many, Canada’s social classes will sadly remain unequal. References Adelson, N. (2005). The embodiment of inequity: Health disparities in Aboriginal Canada. Canadian Journal of Public Health, 96(2), 45-61. Driedger, L. (2001). Changing visions in ethnic relations. Canadian Journal of Sociology, 26(3), 421-451. Gyimah, S. O. , Walters, D. , ; Phythian, K. L. (2005). Ethnicity, immigration and housing wealth in Toronto. Canadian Journal of Urban Research, 14(2), 338-363. Hier, S. P. , ; Walby, K. (2006). Competing analytical paradigms in the sociological study of racism in Canada. Canadian Ethnic Studies Journal, 26(1), 83-104. Macionis, J. J. , ; Gerber, L. M. (2006). Sociology (6th Canadian Ed. ). Retrieved May 21, 2008, from http://wps. pearsoned. ca/ca_ph_macionis_sociology_6/73/18923/4844438. cw/index. html. Panitch, L. (1985, April). Class and power in Canada. Monthly Review, 36(11), 1-13. Reutter, L. I. , Veenstra, G. , Stewart, M. J. , Raphael, D. , Love, R. , Makwarimba, E. , ; McMurray, S. (2006). Attributions for poverty in Canada. The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 43(1), 1-22. How to cite Social Class and Inequality, Essay examples

City of Dreams free essay sample

I feel the moment coming, the feeling of a cool breeze just like the same feeling I get when I chew a minty fresh gum. My heart senses each breeze of wind as it strikes my face and soon my heart is addicted to this feeling of coolness. The trees look alive as if they are dancing and the sun is shining bright, but not to the point where it’s burning hot. As I walk down the city streets, the sight of sky towers and magnificent buildings appear before my sight. The people that are in the city are singing and dancing to express their love for the city too. When I see these lively people it makes me want to celebrate and share each other’s culture just like they do. After walking another mile, I arrived at Chinatown, which is the place that feels like home to me. We will write a custom essay sample on City of Dreams or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page The sight of seeing the majority being Asians brings passion to my heart. My walk continues until I stop in front of the restaurant called the Koi Palace. This is where I had real authentic Chinese food which I have not had in ten years. My friends or family always walk out of there with a stomach that is ready to explode. Right across the restaurant is a boba place where me and my friends have a drink and start conversations. That place used to be our hangout spot, but now it’s flooded with people from different schools and even different cultures. The next stop was downtown and downtown was constantly filled with animated people. Walking through downtown hearing either jazz or the blues playing on the streets was always a place that can cheer me up. There are millions of shopping centers around, but instead of having mainstream styles there are stores that have unique and original styles. Each time I walk past a favorite store the temptations of spending a lot of money builds up. Sooner or later I give in and buy plenty of new clothes, but my wallet was never happy because it never has money to carry. When the sun sets down and the moon rises up, that is when the city starts to shine. The scenery that it provides and the feeling happiness is always an attribute of the city. The scene of colorful lights and crowds of people makes the city pleasing and amusing. I always knew that each step I took or any place I went in this city would always be a memory to never forget.

Importance of Internal Analysis in Strategic Management

Death in Todays Society Essays

Death in Todays Society Essays Death in Todays Society Paper Death in Todays Society Paper Essay Topic: Everything Is Illuminated Introduction Death distances humans from life, is what death is thought of today. Death that is the strongest proof of humans being mortals is denied on its face value by the modern age people. People try to escape death and defeat its existence to live a fearless life that maximizes their pleasure for eternity. The phobia against death has made people avoid discussing death in public, and today it has become a taboo, like pornography was in the medieval ages. Sociologists and thinkers such as Gorer, Moller and Cline have studied the subject in great detail with solid research and a concerted effort they have recognized the changed behavior of people towards death. Instead of accepting its existence and getting on with the reality: that we have to leave this world one day, people deny death. This is reflected in their behavior towards death rituals and gatherings. Discussing death or the deceased is considered to be strange in todays society. People that speak of death or the dead people face prudery at the hands of their social environment. Thus, death has become a taboo, or something that should not be talked about. This situation was not always the case; in fact this is a modern day development. This transition in the reactions of people with respect to death, as noted, studied and explained by Gorer and his proponents is known as Taboo Thesis. In this paper a discussion will be made on the following thesis statement, â€Å"Death, today, is treated as a fearsome, alien phenomena and has become a taboo, with lesser and lesser people concerned about it. â€Å" Contribution from Gorer. Geoffrey Gorer, born in 1905, was a renowned English Anthropologist. He spent his life in understanding the nature of humans and how do they get along with different variation in their lives. One of his greatest contributions to the field of Sociology is his work and research on the notion of death, the transition that it has been through the ages and its prevalent status in the current world order, categorically the United Kingdom. Very interestingly Gorer compares the treatment of death in the modern society with that of the notion of pornography in the Victorian Era. This creative and analytical thinking ability of Gorer made him stand out from other thinkers and anthropologists and thus his work has become exceedingly significant for scholars in order to expand their horizons of study on death or other related areas (Gorer 1955). Gorer compares the treatment of the notion of pornography in the Victorian era with that of the treatment of death in the contemporary world. In the Victorian era pornography was considered to be a highly intimate affair and discussion in public was considered to be an â€Å"eye-brow† raising issue that would lead to prudery in the society if projected. Gorer does not approve of such reactions as he believes that copulation and sex are issues known to people in general, so veiling them does not make a lot of sense as people tend to speak about issues that they are aware of, so the same must hold true for pornography as well. This argument is aesthetically forwarded by Gorer regarding death and the reaction of people to it in the contemporary world. Gorer opines that death is as big a truth in life as life itself, but today people try to evade from its existence in a manner that is similar to the Victorian era where people avoided sex and obscenity related discussions in public. Gorer believes that the society is distancing itself from the acceptance of a universal fact, and truth, and perhaps this is something that one would agree with as well (Gorer 1955). A contemporary example Let’s consider the Somalian drought, termed as the â€Å"worst humanitarian crisis† by the UN. It is on the verge of engulfing the lives of more than 700,000 humans in the months to come. This drought has shown the real face of humans to themelves, but its such a pity that we still don’t seem to care. No matter how steep the death toll is, no matter how severe a disaster, people just continue living their own lives, for life has become as convenient as it has never been before. Joseph Stalin was absolutely spot on when he coined his famous quote â€Å"a death is a tragedy, a million deaths a statistic†. No better sentence in the world could depict how we act to events such as the Somalian drought. Humans are so indifferent to everything that is happening around them, and have become so self-centered that they simply don’t care who died outside their circle. This goes for the entire human race for the most part, and not a particular class or segment of the society. A prominent example of the hedonistic approach that has taken as the sole path of our lives is the Annual Tomatina Festival in Spain. More than 90,000 pounds of tomatoes, tantamount to several hundred thousand tomatoes, are wasted in this festival, for what is termed as â€Å"for fun†. The event has more than 20,000 tourists from around the world, spending Dollars and Euros to attend this futile activity, participating actively (One India Living 2011). That is exactly what Gorer depicted. We treat death to be something really personal and not worth mentioning or discussing in public. This transition has come about with the change in people’s attitudes towards death and their eloping from religion and scriptures. We have to die one day and that day could be any day, but we just don’t want to know which day it is because we simply don’t care. We want to maximize pleasures and avoid pain and we, today, have become more self-centered and rational; so as far as we are happy, the world is a good place to live in. This ideology was forwarded by Gorer in the post World War II era and one can claim that his thinking was influenced by the innumerable deaths that were incurred during that period. However Gorer is not alone with his conception of alienation of death and bereavements from the society, in fact Aries is pretty much a proponent of the same (Gorer 1955). Walter’s Perspective On the other hand Tony Walter, born in 1948, a freelance writer and a sociologist on the subject of Death and Society, has a different chain of thoughts. Walter has conducted a lot of research regarding the reaction of people towards death and he came up with sound observations and claims. He is not of the opinion that death in the modern age has become a taboo. In fact, he declares that the modern society is much more concerned with deaths, and as a ground to this argument he presents the mass media as the evidence. He says that today in newspapers and in electronic media we see that the news of deaths is overwhelmingly dominating. He says that deaths were not given more importance in the past. Today the leading newspapers of the world publish death reports and publications on the front page and there never was a time in history where deaths were subjected to more seriousness and significance. A recent example of this is the notorious events of Tottenham in 2011 where one death triggered the masses to cause riots and challenge the establishment of the law enforcing authorities in UK (Walter 1991). The work of Moller The argument here is not only about the discussion of death, bereavement practices and rituals exercised in pubic, but also the message taken by people from the deaths of their loved ones. Dr. David Wendell Moller sheds light on a beautiful concept entailing death. He expresses the significance of death to life and claims that death is not an end in itself, in fact it is the beginning of an eternal and illuminated journey of salvation. Dr Moller, also known as Dr. Death among his students and colleagues in the School of Medicine, IUPUI, has conducted research on the subject of Death and Dying and he has also noted a prominent transformation in the beliefs of people regarding death. Like Gorer, Moller maintains the view that in the early time before the 19th Century death was celebrated in a humble manner. People used to gather to talk about the life of the person who had just died. The family, friends and acquaintances used to share various incidents and experiences associated with the departed soul. This was a useful social exercise as it did not only give chance to the family members of the deceased person to mourn and share their sorrows with others but it also served as a platform where people could remind themselves of their ultimate faith and get prepared to face it. With the passage of time this concept has depleted and now instead of facing death as the sole truth of life people either tend to evade it, avoid it, deny it and sometimes even defeat it. This act of avoiding death has lead to curious psychological dilemmas among people. Now they see death as being horror, fearsome and ugly and that is why they don’t want to talk about it anymore (Moller 1996). Cline and the fear of death in women This elevating fear in the minds of people regarding death is also acknowledged by Dr. Sally Cline. In her book â€Å"Lifting the Taboo† she goes out an extra mile and brings the fear of death in women to limelight. With respect to her research she says that women are afraid of dying today. The fear is not of the fact that they have not done anything to please the Almighty, but the fear is astonishingly for materialistic reasons. People fear death because they perceive death to be something that will snatch their worldly pleasures from them. People evade the notion of dying because they don’t want to submit their wills and themselves to an eternal entity, God. People want to pursue their dreams till eternity and want to be the commanders of their destinies and fates. This is where we once again come to the view points of Gorer and Moller that today death has become a taboo. People don’t talk about it and thus they don’t know anything about it. Cline also discusses some of the most prominent and standout sources of fear for death in women and not surprisingly the fear was related to their household, love, relations, children and affection. With this entire discussion in hand and the views of different thinkers and sociologists taken into consideration we can sum up the discussion into the concluding phase (Cline 1995). Conclusion  Death, the greatest truth on earth after life is treated as a taboo in today’s world. People in the modern day life try to turn their backs when it comes to talking about death. Death is treated as something that is either a curse or lower cast argument not worth discussing in public. A lot of people also take the topic of death and dying as highly private, intimate and personal and it is not the place of friends, relatives and even parents to talk about it with them. This avoidance of the acceptance of the realm of death is forcing modern age into a state of denial. The dilemma is so severe that we have stopped the process of self talk as well, and we just want to deny and defy death. As mentioned earlier in this paper, Moller is of the opinion that death has been captured by mass media much more than it has been covered historically. Perhaps this is the reason that people avoid discussing death in public circles, because it is already been discussed everywhere. But the discussion of death in newspapers or electronic media is not for the sake of self evaluation, or for the spiritual good of humans, it is in fact covered like any other news item where statistics are mentioned and that’s it. The people, to whom media is aimed at, have now started looking at death in quantitative terms rather than its subjectivity. Death is not seen as the beginning of a new life by the people today. Under the current circumstances where we see consistent deaths recurring all over the globe in Haiti, Somalia, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Libya and Turkey by means of natural disasters and human activities people have started treating death as a taboo. Deaths are occurring so frequently and so quickly that people have started fearing and they don’t want to let that fear overcome their lives and devastate their spirits and efforts. People want to live the moment and in the urge to do so they have distanced themselves from morality. People have become hedonistic. In the drive to avoid discussing death, people today have involuntarily forgotten about death. Those who talk about death are either looked down upon or are perceived to be puritanical in their approach towards life and that is exactly how death has become a taboo in today’s world. Denying death and eloping from its acceptance will do no good. The media, the family and the society needs to play a role, a role to revive the forgotten norms and values of death. The media is also obliged to edify the masses and bring them closer to humanity and nature. Talking about death, or those who are dead in a family gathering shall not be done with the aim of becoming puritanical or acquiring necrophilia, in fact the purpose should be to accept a reality and to get on with it without thinking about escaping it. This will bring us closer to the life, and will give us motivation and better reasons to become a better human being, and to play our role in the welfare of the society. References David Wendell Moller. â€Å"Dying and Historical Context. † Confronting Death. New York, Oxford University Press. 1996. Geoffrey Gorer. â€Å"Pornography of Death. † Death, Grief and Mourning. † Doubleday and Company. 1955. Sally Cline. â€Å"Earlier Times, Other Cultures and Religions. † Lifting the Taboo. New York University Press. 1995. Sally Cline. â€Å"Mortal Messages. † Lifting the Taboo. New York University Press. 1995. Tony Walter, â€Å"Modern death: taboo or not taboo. † Sociology, 1991, 25, pp. 293-310. One India Living. â€Å"History of the â€Å"Red† La Tomatina Festival. † Web. 2011

The White Tiger by aravind adiga Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

The White Tiger by aravind adiga - Essay Example The metaphor of â€Å"light and darkness† appears quite often in the Balram Halwai story. For example, Balram believes that river Ganga symbolizes darkness and that is why he refers to its as â€Å"Ganga of black† (Adiga, 57). Balram warns Wen Jiabao to avoid washing himself in Ganga and he mentions the acids, garbage and diseases that are in the river. He describes the river as one that brings death. Initially, it is described as â€Å"holy† and is meant for cleaning the soul and the body. This makes it a big tourist attraction centre. However Balram opposes this idea and argues that it is only the Indians who know that the river is full of dirt. People who live far away from the river are also not aware of this dirt. Therefore, this means that people who live far from the Ganga River are in darkness of this reality and those who live near the Ganga River are in lightness of this reality. The novel also represents the concept of lightness and darkness among poor and rich people. While the richer people own pets like dogs, poor people may only afford a water buffalo that they require for survival. The class of the divine creature is recognized with the dogs of the wealthy as well. Another disparity in possessions is the type of alcohol people afford. Wealthy people only buy most luxurious alcohol that is referred to as â€Å"English liquor†. ... These themes encounter each other all through the novel. Even while Balram has managed to establish himself in the town of Bangalore, he carries on looking for methods of distinguishing himself from â€Å"darkness.† As one of his white tiger drivers knocks a boy by the road, he pays a visit to the boy’s family and gives their surviving son a job (Aravind, 10). He recognizes that this verdict may make him seem weak, but he says that he was left with no other choice. He says, â€Å"I cannot live in the same way as the Buffalo, the River and wild Boar lived, and perhaps still live, back in Laxmangarh. Now I have seen the light.† Rooster Coop Rooster Coop is a metaphor that Balram uses to define the system of the master/servant system of India. The rooster coop symbolizes the cage that Balram lives. He depends on his master who makes all the decisions about what he ought to do. Apart from these conditions, the servants are also accommodated symbolize a rooster coop. The author states that the majority of the servants are caught in the Rooster coop, just like the poor people in the poultry market. He argues that ninety nine percent of the servants are caught in the rooster coop and Balram is one of them. On a certain day at the marketplace, Balram gets to see caged roosters being butchered next to one another. All the Roosters are aware that they are next in the list to be slaughtered, but they are reluctant to rebel. Balram sees the Indian servants entrapped in servitude, but they are all reluctant to break out of the â€Å"Rooster Coop† because they honor their families. Aravind Adiga often cites the rooster coop when he is talking of a feature or situation of the Indian servant class and he also supports himself for killing his master with it. The

Term Paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Term Paper - Essay Example This aspect of Edna’s awakening is important for the status of Chopin as a writer, for she portrays her heroine above but not of culture which Edna desperately tried to grasp. Whatever feminist beliefs Kate Chopin held, she makes it clear that Edna is largely unaware of- and certainly unconcerned with- the reasons for her actions and that her awakening is a realization of her sensual nature, not of her equality or freedom as an individual. Some critics tend to associate Chopin’s novel to the feminist tract; however, Chopin’s motives tend to be of a Naturalist rather than Feminist, for much of Chopin’s portrait of Edna depends upon the Lousiana Creole setting she chose and the naturalistic literary convention of her day. Chopin concentrated to a greater degree on the life of sensation and careless enjoyment that the Creoles lived. Creole society occupied the southern half of Lousiana. The descendants of French and Spanish colonists of the eighteenth century , the Creoles were bound by Catholicism, strong family ties, and a common language. The cultural patterns of the Creole society have been romanticized by local colorists like Chopin in their works. Through her characterization of Edna, she wanted to scrutinize the Creole society and its reputation for an easygoing attitude. For this purpose, Chopin has not placed her heroine in a rigidly moralistic environment. She eloquently translates Edna’s feelings, her emotions and experiences when she enters the ‘sensuous’ Creole environment. Chopin reproduced this little world through her naturalistic techniques with no intention to shock or make a point, rather for her these were the conditions of civility. This attitude of the novelist clarify Edna’s position as an outsider, whose behavior is not shocking or inexplicable, for her position allows Chopin to deal with the clash of two cultures. Edna’s awakening is a product of the clash of cultures that she ex periences. It is important to note that Edna initially finds it difficult to participate in the easy intimacy of the Creoles. She describes herself as â€Å"self-contained†, and remains largely so until the end of the novel, in the sense that she incorporates no doctrine or set of principles outside herself. However, she does become a fully sexual being. Therefore, her awakening is more or less a sexual one rather than an approach towards an independent self. Her approach is rather physical in terms of her leaving her husband’s house and entering her own independent house named as â€Å"pigeon house†. Here, it is important to note that Chopin carefully translates Edna’s new-found independence in the imagery of â€Å"pigeon house†. As the name suggests the house gives an impression of a trapped existence, which can never free itself from the bounds of sensual nature of the Creole society. That is to say, though Edna tries to form a new identity she is still entrapped in the male dominated society guided by her own unconscious longing for Robert Leburn. Edna’s actions are partly the result of her will, in allowing herself expose to Robert’s charms, and mainly the result of her position in the Creole society. Her sexual awakening begins with the flirtations of Robert, but it is apparent